Methods of Data Collection
This study used a qualitative approach and a case study design. Data were analysed inductively using the thematic analysis method. The study compared women MPs’ pathways, perceptions and performance on the reserved seats vs open seats in Uganda. Data collection took place between September 2020 and March 2021. In-depth Individual Interviews (IDI) were held with women MPs about their motives and experiences to parliamentary representation in the 10th Parliament. In addition, Focus Group Discussions with male and female voters focused on perceptions of women MPs and their performance. There were two types of FGDs: rural, characterised by a non-elite status and urban, with elite characteristics. Each comprised eight to ten members over 18 years, considered the legal voting age. They were selected purposively from each of the districts of Agago, Gulu, Kitgum, Pader and Oyam for discussion, which lasted for two hours.
Similarly, eight women MPs representing the same districts in the 10th Parliament were interviewed. Although the study was a case of the 10th Parliament, to trace the implication of perceptions for women’s electability to the 11th Parliament, the study followed the same MPs to the 11th Parliament. Therefore, interviews were conducted before and after the elections to relate the voters’ perceptions to electoral outcomes.
Voter Perceptions of Women Members of Parliament
Voters place high role expectations and moral demands on women parliamentarians, who must fulfil those expectations by working harder. For women MPs to gain acceptability and respect in political participation, they must shape voter perceptions. Perceptions of women members of the Parliament of Uganda vary because voters are not homogenous. Findings from in-depth interviews and focus groups established two classes of voters: rural non-elite and urban elite voter characteristics influence perceptions. To the rural voters, an MP who distributes financial and material items (like farming supplies) is a performer. This perception follows voter statements like how do we benefit materially or financially? Findings also show that constituents vote for MPs more engaged in popular emblematic roles in most circumstances. For example, voters noted, ‘Our MPs are good; they sit with us. We share stories, attend burials, contribute to burial arrangements, and sort cereal together’ (FGD, Gulu 2021).
In contrast, for many urban voters, a performing MP has moved motions, represented the people’s interests, and overseen the implementation of government programs. ‘Members are rated by the motions and bills they have moved and the number of times they have contributed in the plenary’ (FGD, Kitgum 2021). Although some urban elite voters, in rare circumstances, uphold women for moving motions and paying attention to issues of national concern in the plenary, they criticise them for not going the extra mile to persuade the government to the implementation stages. Urban constituencies also say that parliamentarians prioritise party and community interests but fall below expectations in legislation. For example, a voter asserted: ‘The 10th Parliament has been the worst, with less achievement than the previous parliaments. Its response to the COVID-19 pandemic was mediocre, and there was no national plan, and borrowing escalated’ (FGD, Pader 2021). In the voters’ views, the 10th Parliament has been primarily symbolic compared to other parliaments. ‘Many rats cannot build a home’, said one voter, noting the Parliament has many MPs who are not performing (FGD, Pader 2021).
Cultivating voters’ perceptions is challenging due to the diversity of political views, individual experiences and differing voters’ expectations. Therefore, women MPs need to clearly understand voters’ characteristics and unique needs to cultivate positive perceptions. The following discussion analyses how women cultivate perceptions of their political constituents.