However, it is indisputable that some women and voters are driven by party ideology. The NRM’s ideology of promoting peace and support for women’s social, economic and political advancement is one reason for support by women, who constitute the majority of voters. Studies in Uganda established that MPs’ loyalty to the ruling party and government influences voter perceptions of MPs (Goetz 2000:567; Clayton, Josefsson, & Wang 2016:281). The NRMs’ introduction of affirmative action for women’s political representation and the appointment of women as prime minister, vice president and speaker of Uganda’s Parliament attests to the government’s support for women. Women’s inclusion is a landmark for women’s political representation. NRMs’ support of women’s issues has earned the party women’s support at the grassroots. Therefore, women MPs who affiliate to the NRM party for its ideology on women’s concerns are likely to get the votes of the believers of the NRM ideology. Majority of women politicians are noted to affiliate with the NRM party for its supposed commitment to women’s rights and political inclusion (Ahikire 2009:4).
Women’s interest in the NRM is explained, as well, by factors other than ideology; compared to other parties, the NRM has more political power and institutional capacity to implement policies such as those aimed at addressing women’s concerns (Ahikire 2009:4). Women MPs’ narratives revealed that under the NRM, it is easier to lobby the government for community development projects more effectively than MPs in the opposition. Projects such as the Functional Adult Learning (FAL) program for Pader, a seed school, rehabilitation of hospitals and construction of roads and markets result from MPs affiliating with the NRM party. Additionally, compared to other parties, the ruling party has well-established institutional structures and resources that can spread to its members’ constituencies (FGD, Pader 2021). The benefits of affiliating to the ruling party are one way MPs in the NRM nurture positive perceptions relative to those in opposition. Voters believe that NRM MPs are closer to the government and, therefore, are at an advantage regarding service delivery and resource allocation.
However, the downside of MPs in the ruling party is their loyalty to the party over constituency interests. Where there is a conflict between constituency and party interests, women MPs choose party interests (O’Brien, Franceschet, Krook, & Piscopo 2012:62). For example, the majority of women MPs in the ruling party acted contrary to the position of their constituents by voting for the constitutional amendment bill 102(b) to lift the president’s age limit to the presidency for perpetuity. Voter responses exposed that female MPs who crossed to the ruling NRM party and those holding ministerial positions voted yes for the bill against constituents’ positions. ‘One MP who joined the NRM party from the opposition became less assertive and representative of the people, voters argue that MPs must follow their father’ (FGD, Oyam 2021). The findings exemplify party versus constituency loyalty, given the history of women’s political recruitment and the patronage system of government. The MPs in the NRM party maintain loyalty to their party because of the benefits, such as political appointments. Women MPs try to avoid scrutiny by the government, especially if constituency issues do not align with their party priorities.
The loss of MPs’ loyalty to constituencies associated with MPs in the ruling party is partly why some voters prefer MPs in the opposition. The opposition MPs tend to be more vocal in the legislature and represent constituency views and preferences. Furthermore, constituents support the opposition to portray their dissatisfaction with the ruling party’s leadership and ideology and the hope that opposition leaders will change the status quo. Voters interested in seeing a change in the status quo tend to perceive MP contestants on an opposition party ticket positively.